Focus · Jos Tellings

Focus

'Still' as an additive particle in conditionals

This paper analyzes the behavior of still in subjunctive conditionals. It presents a novel three-way empirical distinction that shows that in certain counterfactual contexts, still behaves like an additive particle. I provide a unified analysis for aspectual still, still in semifactuals, and a third use newly introduced here. I propose a revision of the standard event-based semantics of aspectual still (Ippolito 2007) in order to make it embeddable under modal operators.