This paper analyzes the behavior of still in subjunctive conditionals. It presents a novel three-way empirical distinction that shows that in certain counterfactual contexts, still behaves like an additive particle. I provide a unified analysis for aspectual still, still in semifactuals, and a third use newly introduced here.
I propose a revision of the standard event-based semantics of aspectual still (Ippolito 2007) in order to make it embeddable under modal operators. Then I show that the additive reading of still results from a different scopal order of still with the modal operator. The semantic core of still is a dependency on a salient eventuality. The position of still determines whether this dependency is a temporal one, or one with respect to worlds. This work thus helps to understand how event dependencies can exist across possible worlds. Download